The French Revolution had a significant impact upon British political culture and institutions Essays

The French Revolution had a significant impact upon British political culture and institutions Essays The French Revolution had a significant impact upon British political culture and institutions Essay The French Revolution had a significant impact upon British political culture and institutions Essay Essay Topic: History It inspired greater demands for reform that had been developing as a result of social and economic changes in Britain and encouraged the growth of reformist and politically radical societies to advocate these demands. This pressure for reform was countered by a corresponding conservative political reaction and a crackdown by the authorities, thus the events in France caused a deep polarisation of British society. As a result civil disorder and militant behaviour by the opposing factions increased as pamphlets, newspapers and various forms of propaganda were distributed widely by reformist and loyalist societies. Publications from figures such as Thomas Paine and Edmund Burke, whilst increasing this polarisation also served to increase the political awareness of large sectors of the population and helped democratic ideals to permeate British society. However, whilst significant, the direct impact of the French Revolution was both moderated and accentuated by external factors such as the war between the two nations and economic and agricultural conditions. Socio-economic developments such as urbanisation, improved educational opportunities, a flourishing press and a middle class which was growing as a result of economic expansion had increased calls for reform in Britain throughout the late eighteenth century. The initial impact of the French Revolution was to electrify reformist opinion, both radical and moderate. Reform societies such as the Revolution Society and the Society for Constitutional Information sent resolutions congratulating the French National Assembly. In 1791 meetings were organised throughout the country to mark Bastille Day and the event itself was performed as a pageant in Londons theatres. New radical associations such as the London Corresponding Society (LCS), which was founded in 1792, lobbied for universal male suffrage and parliamentary reform. The same was true in large and small towns across the country and helped to politicise and radicalise popular opinion. Nicholas Rogers states that the public welcomed the fall of French absolutism1 and the impact of what at first appeared to be a successful revolt increasingly began to make itself felt upon British politics. Reformers such as Henry Flood, whos moderately reforming bill to parliament in 1790 was roundly defeated, used events in France as an encouragement to reform to prevent a total revolution occurring in Britain. The moderate Society of the Friends of the People encouraged reform as a preventative remedy to avert for ever from our Country the calamities inseparable with such convulsions2. The response to the French Revolution of Flood and other moderates such as Major John Cartwright (who established the Society for Constitutional Information), was to enfranchise only those with property and not the irresponsible masses3. The impact of the revolution on more radical reformers was even more significant particularly as the moderates ultimately failed in their limited aims. Events in France were initially compared to the Glorious Revolution of 1688. Indeed the reformist chaplain and writer Richard Price used the centenary celebrations of the Revolution Society to acclaim the Revolution in France. Furthermore used the occasion to argue that though the [Glorious] Revolution was a great work, it was by no means a perfect work; and that all was not then gained which was necessary to put the kingdom in the secure and complete possession of the blessings of liberty. Thus the Revolution in France and the Declaration of the Rights of Man, which had won reforms that went much further than those secured in the Glorious Revolution, became something worthy of emulation4. Indeed the apparent success of the French Revolution in surpassing Britains own Glorious Revolution, and the failure of the moderates, encouraged radical reformers in their aims and won more popular support for their cause. Leading radical Thomas Paine went further than Price in his Rights of Man w hich was widely disseminated throughout society. Paine called for the abolition of the monarchy and for the sovereignty of the people. Dickinson states that he dismissed the much vaunted Glorious Revolution and compared it unfavourably to the much more radical revolutions in America and France5. Rogers argues that support for Paines views was widespread and as a result in about twenty towns throughout England and Scotland popular democratic societies emerged and rapidly expanded in to the countryside and areas where clubs and debating societies had not been woven into political life. Indeed he cites Newcastle-Under-Lyme as being ripe for revolt, especially the lower class of inhabitants6. Certainly Paines immensely popular pamphlet, along with the many others advocating radical views, ignited political debate, encouraged reformist views and facilitated the political enlightenment of large sections of the population and in particular the working classes. Whilst the French Revolution caused an explosion of radical societies, literature and pressure for reform, conversely it set off a reaction by those in British society who were opposed to the revolution and the ideals it espoused. As the revolution became more radical and posed an explicit threat to the status quo in Britain, increasingly Government pressure and loyalist writings and societies was used to counter those who supported reform. Edmund Burkes Reflections on the Revolution in France, written in response to Prices speech to the Revolution Society, forecast the later upheaval in French society and defended the British political system. Rogers states that Burkes Reflections helped to fuel the hostility to pro-French sentiment, to a point where some conservatives feared that the 1791 celebrations of the storming of the Bastille would precipitate widespread sedition and disorder7. These fears were apparently well founded as moderate radicalism failed and, following the excesses of the Revolution in France, opinion over reform became increasingly polarised. This polarisation is illustrated by the foundation of loyalist associations, such as the Association for the Preservation of Liberty and Property against Republicans and Levellers (APLP) according to Dickinson the largest political organisation in the country8. They sought to contrast British prosperity and political stability with the anarchy unfolding in France. These societies mirrored the radical societies and produced their own propaganda as well as resorting to threatening radical groups and individuals. On the anniversary of Bastille Day in 1791, widespread violence erupted in Birmingham as loyalists attacked the houses of reformists and disrupted meetings of radical groups. In addition, intimidation against radical groups and those who might host their meetings was widespread. The battle of ideas in Britain ignited by the French Revolution, and the popularity of radical ideas as advocated by Paine and others, forced the Government to intervene in order to halt the spread of radical concepts. The Government used spies and informants to investigate radical groups as well as using their legislative powers. The Treasonable Practices Act of 1795 and the Seditious Meetings Act of 1795 (the gagging acts) were used to prosecute those reformers who encouraged the deposition of the King or who held radical meetings. The combination of loyalism and government pressure, as a reaction against the radical ideas encouraged by the French Revolution, was ultimately successful. However, the conservative victory over the reformists was aided by the excesses of the revolution and fears of invasion roused by the outbreak of war between the two states. Equally the radicals were aided by a deteriorating economic situation and severe food shortages which caused widespread protest. Thus while the French Revolution may have encouraged a polarisation of British society along radical and conservative lines, other factors equally encouraged this state of affairs. Certainly in Britain there was a significant upsurge in discontent and greater calls for reform of the political system, which were due in part to the influence of events across the Channel. It is difficult to accept the view expounded by Ian Christie, that merely a minority of intellectuals welcomed the early stages of the revolution and much of this enthusiasm withered in face of the Revolution Militant after 17939. The widespread popularity of radical ideas and the fact that the government introduced the gagging acts in1795 shows it was not a merely a minority of intellectuals whose enthusiasm for radicalism waned after 1793. However, despite support for reform being further encouraged by a poor harvest and a relatively poor economic situation, the radical movement was hindered by splits over its methods and aims, the loyalism of many in British society and the fact that they were not opposing an absolutist regime. Indeed, the British had had their Glorious Revolution and these factors were sufficient to suppress the calls for reform until 1832. The impact of the French Revolution was that, in conjunction with other factors, it encouraged radical movements and ideas which correspondingly fostered a conservative reaction which was able to resist the ideals of the revolution. This deep polarisation of British politics caused an increase in disorder and militant behaviour but improved the political education of British society.